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The Casserole of Condolence — Food in Grief and Mourning

What it is

The most profound expression of food hospitality is not the feast but the casserole left on a grieving family's doorstep — the pot of soup left anonymously, the lasagna in the foil pan, the cookies wrapped in a kitchen towel, the brisket in the disposable roasting dish. These are the foods that a community brings to its bereaved members: practical, warming, needing nothing from the recipient except the capacity to eat them.

The casserole of condolence is not uniquely American or uniquely any culture — every culture in the world has some version of the practice of feeding the bereaved — but the specific North American form (casseroles, hot dishes, pies, baked goods brought to the home of the grieving family for the period of mourning) is distinctive enough to be worth documenting in its own right.

The food at the center

The specific foods of condolence hospitality reveal the practical wisdom of the tradition:

Casseroles and hot dishes: Lasagna, baked ziti, mac and cheese, enchilada casseroles, hot dish (the Midwestern quintessence of casserole culture, typically involving canned cream of mushroom soup, protein, vegetable, and a topping — tater tots in the Minnesota version, cracker crumbs elsewhere). These are chosen specifically because they can be made in advance, transported in a single dish, reheated easily, and require no skill from the recipient. The bereaved family's ability to feed themselves is compromised; these foods remove the burden of feeding.

Baked goods: Cookies, muffins, banana bread, pound cake. Foods that can be eaten without preparation, that offer comfort and sweetness, that do not require coordination among the bereaved to eat — one person can take a cookie at two in the morning without waking anyone.

Soup: Jewish chicken soup specifically, and soup generally, is the universal condolence food across many cultures. Soup is warm, easy to eat, easy to store, available at any time of day or night, and carries specific associations with comfort and maternal care. The mishegas (the slightly crazy overprovision) of a Jewish community in mourning — the number of chicken soups that arrive — is itself a source of dark humor in Jewish mourning culture, which has a very well-developed dark humor about most things.

Comfort foods specific to cultural communities: In African American communities in mourning, the foods brought reflect the specific comfort food traditions of the community — collard greens, fried chicken, sweet potato pie, mac and cheese. In Mexican American communities — tamales, rice and beans, arroz con leche. In Korean American communities — doenjang jjigae (soybean paste stew), japchae (glass noodle dish), rice. The specific community's comfort food is the community's condolence food.

Origin story

The practice of feeding the bereaved is universal and ancient. The logic is practically simple: grief disrupts the ordinary rhythms of life, including the rhythms of eating. The bereaved person cannot be expected to cook, shop, or manage the domestic logistics of food provision while simultaneously managing the overwhelming experience of loss. The community that feeds them is removing a burden, acknowledging the reality of the disruption, and saying: we see that you cannot care for yourselves right now. We will care for you.

The specific North American casserole form developed through the 20th century as the casserole itself developed as an American domestic form (enabled by the widespread availability of baking dishes, canned soups, and packaged ingredients in the postwar period) and as American community patterns created the specific social institution of the church potluck, the neighborhood dish exchange, and the social practice of bringing food to major life events. The casserole became specifically a community care food because it was portable, robust, practical, and unmistakably an offering of care rather than an occasion for display.

The meaning

The food brought in grief carries meanings that are different from celebration food. The casserole of condolence says: I know you cannot manage the ordinary. I am managing it for you. It also says: I do not know what to say. I do not have words adequate to this loss. But I have this, and I can give you this, and I am giving it to you because I cannot give you back what you have lost but I can give you dinner.

Food in mourning performs the specific function of anchoring the bereaved in the body — the body that continues to need feeding even when the spirit has no appetite, that must be sustained even when sustaining it feels irrelevant. The community that insists on feeding the bereaved is insisting, gently, on the bereaved person's continued bodily existence, their continued life in a world that has just lost someone who made it worth living in.

The specific Jewish tradition of the seudat havra'ah (the meal of condolence) is perhaps the most explicitly developed version of this universal practice. Jewish law specifically requires that the first meal eaten by mourners upon returning from the burial be provided by others, not by the mourners themselves. The tradition is encoded in Jewish law (halakha) because the rabbis understood that the grief-stricken may not eat unless someone else insists. The foods of the seudat havra'ah are specifically round foods — hard-boiled eggs, round rolls or breads — because roundness symbolizes the cycle of life.

How it's celebrated today

The casserole of condolence is alive and in active practice across North American communities and in many other contexts globally. Contemporary adaptations include online food delivery coordination (organized through platforms that allow community members to sign up for specific meals to bring on specific days), restaurant meal deliveries organized by community members, and the subscription meal service (some families arrange for meal delivery services during a period of mourning). The specific food has adapted; the underlying logic has not.

In many cultures outside the casserole tradition, the food-in-grief practice has its own form: the Moroccan tradition of bringing harira (the hearty lentil and chickpea soup traditionally broken with at Ramadan) to a house of mourning; the Georgian tradition of the full supra in mourning (the feast after a burial includes the full toast sequence, including the specific toast to the deceased who is being mourned); the South Asian tradition of the community meal provided after a funeral, often at the gurdwara or temple.

The joy factor

There is no conventional joy in the casserole of condolence. What there is — and it is real, and it is valuable — is the comfort of being held. The family that opens its door to find the casserole on the step, left without even requiring the human interaction of a visit, has been fed by their community without having to perform grief adequately or thank anyone for their care. The food says: you don't have to do anything. We are here. We have brought dinner. In the specific anguish of acute grief, this is not nothing. It is very much something. It is the most concrete expression of the community's refusal to abandon its members at their most vulnerable — and it arrives in a foil pan, in the shape of lasagna.

Reference notes

Related entries: Chicken soup, casserole traditions, comfort food, seudat havra'ah, harira, communal eating. Cross-links: All hospitality entries, Food and Grief (if developed), Food and Community. Related cuisines: American (regional), Jewish (Ashkenazi), African American, Mexican American, Korean American, Moroccan.

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